The Internet, Pornography, Race
and Representation
MacKinnon's essay mentions the intersections of gender and racial
oppression in pornography. While MacKinnon argues that racial oppression
is a sub-division of gender oppression, other theorists have asserted
that racist imagery undergirds pornography. Patricia Hill Collins
argues that underpinning pornography is the subordination of racial
minorities. While MacKinnon argues that the subordination of racial
minorities occurs through the filter of gender, Collins asserts
that the subjugation of women in pornography occurs through the
filter of race.
The Internet provides an interesting arena for thinking about Collins'
assertion as pornographic websites are often specifically devoted
to exploiting both gender and race. On these websites, racial stereotypes
(i.e. the image of the dangerous and wild sexuality of the black
woman or the meekness and passivity of the Asian woman) and women's
subordination are simultaneously eroticized. While the exploitation
of the racial Other has long been a pornographic trope before the
advent of the Internet, online pornography has capitalized on commodifying
racial difference.
Patricia Hill Collins' essay "Pornography and Black Women's
Bodies" examines the intersections of race, representation,
and pornography. While Collins problematically limits her analysis
of race to a black/white discussion, her examination of the ways
in which an exploitation of racial and ethnic difference underpins
pornography offers a useful way of thinking about pornography, racial
difference, and the Internet. In order to more fully understand
pornography's harm, it is useful to think both about the ways in
which pornography operates on an axis of gender and the ways it
operates on an axis of race.
Excerpts from Patricia Hill Collins, "Pornography and Black
Women's Bodies" from Black Feminist Thought pp. 167-173
The treatment of Black women's bodies in nineteenth-century Europe
and the United States may be the foundation upon which contemporary
pornography as the representation of women's objectification, domination,
and control is based. Icons about the sexuality of Black women's
bodies emerged in these contexts. Moreover, as race/gender-specific
representations, these icons have implications for the treatment
of both African-American and white women in contemporary pornography.
I suggest that African-American women were not included in pornography
as an afterthought, but instead, form a key pillar on which contemporary
pornography itself rests. As Alice Walker points out, "the
more ancient roots of modern pornography are to be found in the
almost always pornographic treatment of black women, who, from the
moment they entered slavery
were subjected to rape as the
'logical' convergence of sex and violence. Conquest, in short"(1981,
p. 42).
One key feature about the treatment of Black women in the nineteenth
century was how their bodies were objects of display. In the antebellum
American South white men did not have to look at pornographic pictures
of women because they could become voyeurs of Black women on the
auction block. A chilling example of this objectification of the
Black female body is provided by the exhibition, in early nineteenth-century
Europe, of Sarah Bartmann, the so-called Hottentot Venus. Her display
formed one of the original icons for Black female sexuality. An
African woman, Sarah Bartmann was often exhibited at fashionable
parties in Paris, generally wearing little clothing, to provide
entertainment. To her audience she represented deviant sexuality.
At the time European audiences thought that Africans had deviant
sexual practices and searched for physiological differences, such
as enlarged penises and malformed female genitalia, as indications
of this deviant sexuality. Sarah Bartmann's exhibition stimulated
these racist and sexist practices. After her death in 1815, she
was dissected. Her genitalia and buttocks remain on display in Paris
(Gilman, 1985).
The process illustrated by the pornographic treatment of the bodies
of enslaved African women and of women like Sarah Bartmann has developed
into a full-scale industry encompassing all women objectified differently
by racial/ethnic category. Contemporary portrayals of Black women
in pornography represent the continuation of the historical treatment
of their actual bodies. African-American women are usually depicted
in a situation of bondage and slavery, typically in a submissive
posture, and often with two white men. As Bell observes, "this
setting reminds us of all the trappings of slavery: chains, whips,
neck braces, wrist clasps" (1987, p. 59). White women and women
of color have different pornographic images applied to them. The
image of Black women in pornography is almost consistently one featuring
them breaking from chains. The image of Asian women in pornography
is almost consistently one of being tortured. (Bell, 1987, p. 161).
The pornographic treatment of Black women's bodies challenges the
prevailing feminist assumption that since pornography primarily
affects white women, racism has been grafted onto pornography. African-American
women's experiences suggest that Black women were not added into
a preexisting pornography, but rather that pornography itself must
be reconceptualized as an example of the interlocking nature of
race, gender, and class oppression.
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